Zionism and Anti-Zionism Compared

Lehan Edirisinghe and Elle Trump July 31, 2026

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Key takeaways

- Zionism and anti-Zionism primarily differ over what kind of state Israel should be, not simply over support for Jews or Palestinians. Baker defines Zionism as support for Israel's continued existence as a Jewish state, meaning someone can oppose the war in Gaza and still be a Zionist.

“many Zionists also oppose the actions of the current Israeli government.”

- The sharpest distinction is between moderates who disagree over political arrangements and extremists who deny the other population's rights. Baker argues that liberal Zionists and non-antisemitic anti-Zionists can share the same goals of safety, freedom, and peace while disagreeing over whether two states or one shared state would achieve them.

“The main disagreement is just over whether a two-state solution would be better, or whether a one-state solution would be better.”

- The non-antisemitic form of anti-Zionism does not require expelling Israeli Jews. Baker describes anti-Zionists who want Israeli Jews to retain their homes, rights, and freedoms while extending equal protections to Palestinians through a state that is not exclusively Jewish.

“they want the Israeli Jews to continue to live safely where they do right now, with all their rights and freedoms.”

- Baker argues that Christian Zionism can serve Christian religious objectives rather than Jewish interests. He says many Zionists are Christians, particularly Americans, some of whom believe Jewish return to their ancestral homeland is a prerequisite for Jesus's return, while also pointing to the financial interests of US weapons manufacturers.

- Zionism can coexist with antisemitism when support for a Jewish state is motivated by hostility toward Jews living elsewhere. Baker notes that some Europeans historically supported Zionism because they wanted Jews out of their own countries, while some contemporary Zionists disparage Jewish diaspora history.

“Zionism can be, too.”

- Jewish anti-Zionists may regard the diaspora as a heritage worth preserving rather than a historical failure. Baker contrasts those who celebrate Jewish life outside Israel and advocate fighting antisemitism wherever it occurs with those who see a Jewish state as the preferred answer to Jewish vulnerability.

All points

988 words

- Zionism is defined as support for Israel's continued existence as a Jewish state. Matt Baker explains that, under his definition, a person is a Zionist if they believe Israel should continue to exist with its distinctively Jewish national identity, regardless of their views on Gaza or Palestinian statehood.

- Opposing the Israeli government's actions does not necessarily make someone anti-Zionist. Baker corrects an implication from his earlier video about Israel, acknowledging that many Zionists strongly oppose the current Israeli government's policies. The fundamental disagreement concerns the nature of Israel's future as a state, not simply approval or disapproval of its government.

- Zionism encompasses both extremist and liberal positions. Baker describes an extreme form associated with racism, Islamophobia, support for illegal settlements, genocidal war crimes against Palestinians, and the desire to remove Arabs from Gaza and the West Bank. He contrasts this with liberal Zionists, who oppose the war on Gaza, may acknowledge that genocide has occurred there, and support Palestinian freedom, safety, and peace.

- Liberal Zionists generally favor a two-state solution. Under this approach, Israel would continue to exist as a Jewish state alongside a fully independent Palestinian state. Baker argues that anyone supporting this arrangement, including Palestinians, qualifies as a Zionist under his definition.

- Anti-Zionism also encompasses both extremist and non-extremist positions. Baker identifies an extreme form characterized by antisemitism, hatred of Jewish people as a whole, and hostility toward Israel. He says some adherents employ longstanding antisemitic stereotypes and advocate removing Jews from the Middle East.

- Non-antisemitic anti-Zionism can be a rejection of nationalism rather than a rejection of Jewish people. Baker describes anti-Zionists, including Jewish anti-Zionists, who consider Zionism rooted in nineteenth-century nationalist ideas that they regard as outdated. Their objection is that establishing and maintaining a Jewish state has involved Palestinian displacement, occupation, and the denial of Palestinian rights.

- Many anti-Zionists do not want Israeli Jews expelled or deprived of their rights. Baker emphasizes that this position seeks safety, freedom, and equal rights for Israeli Jews while extending those same protections to Palestinians. He distinguishes opposition to a state organized around an exclusively Jewish national identity from hostility toward Jews themselves.

- The one-state solution represents the alternative to the two-state approach in Baker's comparison. The version he describes would create a single state in which Jews and Arabs shared political rights and national belonging, rather than maintaining Israel as an explicitly Jewish state alongside a separate Palestinian country. Under his definition, supporting this particular arrangement makes someone an anti-Zionist.

- The central disagreement between liberal Zionists and non-antisemitic anti-Zionists is how to achieve equal safety and freedom. Baker argues that these two groups have more in common with each other than either has with its own extremist counterparts. Both can want peace and security for Jews and Arabs while disagreeing over whether partition into two states or a shared state offers the best solution.

- Both proposed political solutions have committed critics. Some people regard a one-state solution as unrealistic or naive, while others believe a two-state solution is no longer viable. Baker notes that many people avoid committing to either model and instead prioritize peace while remaining open to different arrangements.

- Baker corrects his earlier characterization of Zionists as a subset of Jews. His intended point was that Zionism did not historically receive universal Jewish support. He states that when the movement emerged in the late nineteenth century, not all Jews supported it and that most Jews did not support it until after World War II.

- Baker argues that most Zionists today are not Jewish. He says the vast majority are Christians, particularly American Christians. He presents this as an important consideration in debates over whose interests Zionism serves and why non-Jews support the establishment and continued existence of Israel as a Jewish state.

- Certain evangelical Christian beliefs provide a religious motivation for Christian Zionism. Baker explains that some evangelical Christians interpret the Bible as requiring the Jewish people to return to their ancestral homeland before Jesus can return. He argues that this motivation can prioritize the fulfillment of Christian prophecy rather than Jewish interests themselves.

- The financial interests of the American arms industry are raised as another factor in support for Zionism. Baker briefly points to the profits earned by US weapons manufacturers from military support for Israel, suggesting that commercial interests should also be considered. He references a video by Caggiano as a source for further examination of this subject but does not detail the financial arrangements in this episode.

- Zionism itself can be associated with antisemitic attitudes. Baker argues that antisemitism is not confined to anti-Zionist movements. He notes that some Europeans historically supported Zionism because they wanted Jews to leave their own countries, making support for a Jewish homeland compatible with hostility toward Jewish communities at home.

- Negative attitudes toward Jewish diaspora history can reflect internalized antisemitism. Baker observes that some Zionists view the long history of Jewish life outside Israel negatively or with embarrassment. He contrasts this with Jewish anti-Zionists who celebrate the diaspora as a rich historical and cultural tradition and believe antisemitism should be confronted wherever it occurs rather than avoided through the creation of a Jewish state.

- Baker's central conclusion is that neither Zionism nor anti-Zionism is inherently antisemitic or anti-Palestinian. He maintains that people in both camps can care deeply about Jews and Arabs and seek an arrangement that benefits everyone. Evaluating a person's position therefore requires distinguishing their actual political goals and attitudes from the label they use.

- Baker concludes with a humanitarian appeal for Gaza. He encourages viewers who want to help people suffering there to donate to Connecting Gaza, which he describes as a small grassroots organization run by a friend of his that assists people on the ground through personal connections. He directs viewers to the organization's link in the video's description and pinned comment.